The New England Planters
The term “Planter” is an old English word that describes a colonist. In Nova Scotia the term was first officially used by the Executive Council in 1759. Today it is used when speaking of the New England settlers and their descendants who came here because of the offer of land grants. It distinguishes them from other immigrants such as the “Dutch” settlers who came earlier and the later groups such as the Yorkshire Methodists, Loyalists, Scots and so on.
Government in 1759
The Lt. Governor was appointed in London as were his Colonial Advisors who formed an Executive Council with the Elected Assembly. The Assembly had little power. The Lt. Governor answered to the Board of Trade in London and later, to the Secretary of State.
In 1758 Lawrence called the first elected assembly, thus ending the purely military Government. Ten days later, Lawrence issued a proclamation which was published in the Boston Gazette inviting proposals for settlement of the empty Acadian lands. These proposals could either be made to Halifax directly or to shipping agents in Boston and New York (one of the agents was Hancock’s of Boston which had been employed in the expulsion).
New England in 1759
The New Englanders that Lawrence was appealing to were largely descendants of the previously mentioned Puritans who had arrived in the 1620’s. Many had become Congregationalists (they believed in the right of each church to govern itself and its members). In coming to North America they had sought to create communities free from secular control and create a Christian Commonwealth. The ideal was a community centred around the meeting house. The meetings at the meeting house were attended by a patriarch who represented the community’s various families.
Rhode Island
This independence of the individual churches and their communities soon led to diversity and dimension in the New World. In 1631 a minister named Roger Williams arrived in the colony and asserted the colonists had no right to Indian land. He also claimed that civil authorities had no right to interfere with religious matters. Threatened with banishment back to England he and his followers fled to Rhode Island. Soon other dissenters followed and Rhode Island became a religious haven and a somewhat freer society.
Colonial Expansion
By the 1660’s the New England colonies had expanded dramatically (as had the population) and new patterns of life began to emerge changing the old agriculture pattern. Large centres like Boston began to do vigorous trade in timber and fish. Shipbuilding began to thrive to meet the needs of trade. The concentration of wealth, contact with the outside world and the movement away from a pure agriculture society undermined the “Christian commonwealth”.
By the fourth generation (1740’s) land for agriculture was scarce. Families averaged around seven offspring and younger sons were forced into non-farming occupations or to migration.
Western land filled as colonists ran up against the Appalachians. The land beyond was wild, unknown and still claimed by France and Spain. Thus, the offer of land in Nova Scotia was very attractive. Before the better known period of United States western expansion the cry was, “Go north, young man!”
Lawrence Reassured the New Englanders
The legacy of the pilgrims was political as well as religious. The congregation met to discuss all matters of community concern. There was interest in Lawrence’s offer and town hall meetings were called.
The main question for New Englanders was whether the traditions, rights and powers of the township would be protected. They feared that government power would lie solely with the central government in Halifax.
They were given vague assurances by Lawrence in a second proclamation. For some this was enough. In 1759 a grantees organization representing townships from Rhode Island and Connecticut sent agents to look things over.
The First Agents
Five agents were sent.
Major Robert Denison aged 62 who was of Irish descent and had commanded a company of men during the first siege of Louisbourg in 1745.
Joseph Otis, his son-in-law Jonathan Harris and Amos Fuller.
These 4 represented Connecticut towns.
The fifth was John Hicks, a Quaker who represented a Rhode Island township.
All five went by ship from Halifax in the company of the province’s Surveyor General, Charles Morris to inspect the various areas.
Fuller and Hicks were the youngest and struck up a friendship. Both were impressed by the cleared land, forests and apple trees they’d found in the area of the Avon River.
The five returned home after making preliminary arrangements.
More agents followed and things were proceeding nicely. However, before any Planters could arrive trouble broke out with various attacks by Mi’kmaq and Acadians around the province. Then in November a huge storm severely damaged the neglected dykes. It was decided to postpone the arrival of the planters until things settled down and repairs could be made.
The Arrival
In the spring of 1760 the first Planters began to arrive and in May, Morris sailed up the Bay to check on the new arrivals.
In Annapolis he found 45 people settling in who had come on the “Charming Molly”.
At Windsor he arrived just before six ships arrived carrying 300 planters.
However, four ships had already arrived before the six that Morris greeted. Two of those ships were the Lydia and the Sally. Both were sloops (vessels with a single mast). It is believed that these two ships landed their passengers on or near the sight of the museum.
The family names of those on board were Reynolds, Bentley, Sanford, Harvie, Smith, Chambers, Weedon, Borden, Lake, Tucker and Mosher. Most can be found in the area today. The other two vessels landed their people on the Falmouth side further upriver and across from Fort Edward.
On the Newport side a palisade was built shortly thereafter on a hill in view of Fort Edward.
The original plan was to call the township on either side of the river East Falmouth and West Falmouth.
The Township of Newport
Shortly after their arrival (May 1760) the grantees on the east side applied to have their side of the river made into a separate township. Morris suggested they name it Newport in honour of Lord Newport who was a friend of acting Lt. Governor Belcher and probably to honour their expatriate homeland. Lawrence himself had been ‘deported’ by God in October of 1760 just before the arrival of the first Planters.
The reasons for their wanting a separate township is a matter of speculation.
On June 9th, around 10 days after they arrived they had their first township meeting.
The extent of the entire grant lay roughly between the St. Croix and Cogmagun Rivers and about 10 miles inland. This area was further divided by surveyors into individual grants consisting of river front, marsh, dyked lands and woodland. In essence this meant rectangular lots from the water back. How these were assigned to individuals was up to the group. Their request to be declared a separate township was granted providing an additional 20 grantees be added to the original 48 (a minimum of 50 was needed to become a township with the right to send representatives to the assembly.
Abutting the Newport area was one of the older military grants mentioned earlier It belonged to an interesting character named Colonel John Day who obviously must have been a ‘Virgil’ (Roman poet) fan since he named his farm Mantua after Virgil’s birthplace. Colonel Day later became quite involved with the Newport people (he built a grist mill for the community after a couple of other grantees failed to live up to their commitment to do so).
In July 1760, 20 additional names were added to the original grant thus fulfilling the requirement for township status. The list of names issued for the Newport grant in July now included William Haliburton, Daniel Dimock, Samuel and William Albro and Daniel Weir (Albro and Weir have a special significance to the Maritime Museum of the Atlantic.)
Getting on with Business
One of the first things to be decided was the location of the Town Plot in which everyone got a half acre (see the Haliburton survey map of 1775 included at the end of “Newport, Nova Scotia a Rhode Island Township”, by John Duncanson.
Surrounding the Town Plot were six acre lots.
Lots were drawn to decide who got what land. The meetings that followed concerned things like what was to be done with the Acadian houses still in the area. In particular there is a reference to two Acadian homes, one that was on a town lot and one in the town plot. Whether this meant that houses hadn’t been burned or whether they were referring to foundations is unclear.
Another problem was the situation of the residents on the Falmouth side. They had no timber due to a forest fire which had occurred in 1710. Obviously the Newport folks were worried about their own timber and passed a resolution that they could only sell to Falmouth for building purposes.
As soon as the town plot was established a palisade was built.
An important and un-answered question is; what happened next to the town plot and to the lots around the town plot?
The Erosion of New England Freedoms
It wasn’t until September of 1761 that the survey of the larger farm lots was completed. However before they could be drawn for, the survey results had to be sent to Halifax for Government approval. This may have been the first indication the Planters had that the degree of freedom in Nova Scotia would be less than back home. In February with government approval having been given they proceeded with the draw.
In June of 1762 people began to grumble about their lots and the wheeling and dealing began. Over the next 10 years there was much ‘discussion’ about the undivided portions of the grant and George Haliburton was appointed to survey the entire area. He was the son of the grantee Andrew Haliburton. George finished his survey in 1775 (see map). The undivided lands were finally divided in 1794.
Planter Lifestyle to the American Revolution
In the chapter of his book, “The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia”, titled ‘A New England’, J.B. Brebner does a wonderful job of describing the Planter lifestyle in Nova Scotia. We will be quoting extensively from that source. Brebner draws heavily on a document produced in 1774 called “A journey through Nova Scotia” by two Yorkshiremen named J. Robinson and T. Rispin.
Brebner states the obvious when talking about the variety of comforts the Planters enjoyed varying with individual circumstances.
“…as determined by the amount of capital which an immigrant brought with him and by the productiveness of the region where his lot was cast” (p. 150).
Often we have a singular picture when dealing with groups like Planters or Acadians and it’s a good idea to remind ourselves they were far from homogeneous. However this being said there are some generalizations that can be made.
Brebner quotes at length a description of a typical farm on the Bay of Fundy visited by Robinson and Rispin (the italics are Mr. Brebners).
“Their homes are generally built square, and chiefly of wood, with chimneys of brick in the centre, so contrived as to convey the smoke from all the different fire places. Their windows are all sash’d, and they pay no duty for them, they are very numerous and render the home light and pleasant. They all build with post and pan; when they got about three yards high they take it in a little; about two yards higher they fix their chamber windows, and above them their roofs; some built a story higher. After being boarded, they appear very neat and complete houses. They board the outside up to the roof with what they call clapboard… They wainscot the inside and make it very neat… Their roofs are covered with planks, on these they fix what they call shingles… All their houses have cellars under them, and are in general very convenient.
They went on to describe the outbuildings.
Their barns are built of wood, some of them with clapboard and shingles in the manner of their houses. They contain different apartments for their horses, cows and sheep; and have a floor above for hay and corn, which is for the most part deposited in their barns, as they do not seem fond of stacking. The entrance of their barns is so large as to admit a loaded wagon.” (p. 152)
After a lengthy description of Halifax Brebner goes on to describe the material goods of the Planters.
“They slept on pallets on the floor or on low platforms or in corded bunks. They had more benches and stools than chairs. True necessities like spinning-wheels, looms, dairy and table utensils, and some tools and lanterns were carefully made from wood or horn, often with keen craftsmanship. Manufactured articles of earthenware, pewter and metal were very few and jealously kept in repair. The kitchen fireplace was the centre of the home, both at meal times and in the evenings, when it gave the only light that most houses afforded except the tallow candles brought out for more social celebrations or distinguished company. …The women ran small domestic factories. They prepared and preserved food. They made butter, cheese, starch, yeast, cider, spruce beer, apple butter, soap, and candles.” (p. 156)
This picture is confirmed and fleshed out locally by an article in “Making Adjustments”, called “Material Lives of the Planters” on page 187, (See Appendix A) where the contents of the probate inventories of various local men show a scarcity of manufactured material goods.
During the first year the government provided the families with a supply of corn to assist them while they established their crops, however even with crops established, reliance on this source of food alone was impossible.
“But as time went on Nova Scotians became more and more adept at winning a sufficiency, if not always an abundance. After the men had cut their necessarily enormous supplies of firewood during the winter and stacked it to dry, they turned to really serious hunting… They went off for several days at a time on their snowshoes, carrying blankets and little food… Fat Shad ran in the early summer in such quantities that they were barreled for export. Even on Minas Basin, cod, haddock, and other large sea fish, as well as shellfish, crabs, and lobsters, were available, while fishermen from the Cape Sable and South Shores were always anxious to barter their large supplies of cured fish for the farm products of the Fundy side.” (p. 158)
The importance of religion has been already alluded to and can be farther seen in the brief biography of Henry Alline (see below). Education was important to them as well; however they weren’t all work and no play. There were dances (called Frolics) and they had nothing against rum or inns.
“The tavern might be a roadhouse for travellers, particularly at bridges or ferries but it was most often part of the local store. Where a dip from the rum barrel under the counter concluded any substantial transaction and where a man could warm his inside and whet his wit when he grew bored at home or needed some relief from his misfortunes. To it came stray copies of Nova Scotian, Colonial, and European newspapers and magazines. The tavern was thus the news office for the outside world, whereas at the church or meeting-house men and women pooled the news of the locality.” (p. 172)
So life went on until the American Revolution disrupted the patterns that the Planters had just begun to establish their new homes.
The American Revolution
By 1775 tension in the New England colonies had erupted into revolution. The New England Planters found themselves in a similar position to the Acadians. They had ties to the rebel colonies and did not wish to take up arms against their brethren, nor did they wish to risk the appearance of disloyalty to the British. Like the Acadians they attempted to maintain a stance of neutrality.
Like their brethren they too faced an erosion of freedom. In 1763 a bill to “empower Towns to choose town officers, maintain their poor, and mend their streets and highways” was defeated.
In essence this finished any possibility of maintaining the independence model that Lawrence had promised in the second proclamation. Anthony Henry who published the ‘Nova Scotia Chronicle and Weekly Advertiser’ in Halifax republished Lawrence’s proclamation of 1758 in the February 7th 1768 edition, as an attempt to remind the people of Nova Scotia of this. In fact, on April 14 1770 the Nova Scotia Council declared that “Town meetings for debating and resolving on several questions relating to the laws and government of the province…” were “Contrary to law”.
One of the most vocal advocates of the Planter’s position was Assemblyman John Day, who you will recall was mentioned above because of his grant abutting the Newport area and because of his early dealings with the Planters.
In the months preceding the war the Planters were regarded with mounting suspicion and in 1775 “an act for the choice of town officers and regulating townships”, was passed which removed the township’s power to elect its own officials.
On December 5th 1775 martial law was declared and a provincial militia was called up. It was to be commanded by ‘Denny’ Denson. Few answered the call. This was looked on as treasonous by Halifax and the loyalty of the Planters was further questioned.
The only land action during the revolution in Nova Scotia occurred when Jonathan Eddy and a small group captured Fort Cumberland in October of 1776 and held it for 20 days.
The majority of Nova Scotia’s wartime activity occurs through privateering and raids on both sides with the South Shore seeing the most involvement, although, the Bay of Fundy and even the Minas Basin outfitted privateers and saw its share of raids as well.
One interesting incident occurred when a privateer named Carleton was captured at Canso. He and his men escaped and made their way to Windsor where they stole a schooner and escaped back to New England.
The course of the war and its effects on Nova Scotia is a long and complicated story which deserves more attention than we have the opportunity to give in this document, however one easy way to learn more is by reading Thomas Raddall’s “His Majesty’s Yankees”.
Although the war didn’t officially end until 1783 it was for all intents and purposes over by 1782 and this is when the loyalist influx changed the makeup of Nova Scotia.
Biographical Notes on Some of the Early Planters
Haliburtons
George Haliburton left during the Revolution but his brother William stayed. William’s son (also named William was the father of the author and jurist, Thomas-Chandler Haliburton.
John Hicks
John Hicks the Quaker surveyor settled on Falmouth side, but moved to Granville in 1765.
Major Robert Denson
Across from the museum is Mount Denson named after ‘Squire Denny Denson’ who you’ll recall was one of the original agents. He managed to acquire 4350 acres between Falmouth and the Halfway River. He made himself an Irish baronial estate complete with slaves, cattle and orchards. He was much resented by his neighbors. He died in 1780 and bequeathed his estate to his housekeeper Martha Whitfield – over the objections of his wife and daughter back in Dublin. Later she sold part of the estate to Edward Barker. The house he built is on the site of present day Churchill house. Ezra Churchill who moved as a young man to Hantsport from Yarmouth was perhaps the most successful shipbuilder along the Avon River. In Hantsport his shipyard was second only to J.B. North’s.
Henry Aldine
On the Falmouth side in 1760 a 12 year old boy named Henry landed with his Planter parents William and Rebecca Alline. He was strongly religious and at the age of 27 in 1775 he had an epiphany, a personal revelation that moved him to preach. First he attempted to sail to New England where he hoped to further his education but was unable to do so because of the American Revolution. For the next three years he preached as layman all around the Avon River. He began in Falmouth and word spread so that people from neighboring communities were coming to hear him. In July of 1776 he went to Newport and soon established a church in both communities. 1779 he was ordained and for the next four years travelled about forming ‘Allanite’ churches. What he espoused is a little difficult to pin down. It had to do with personal revelation and more resembled Baptist theology than Congregationalist. The result was a splitting of many churches, townships and even families. When Henry died in 1783 there was no one to take up the mantle and Congregationalism was much reduced in the Province. Many of the churches turned to Methodism which had been introduced by the Yorkshire immigrants and many others became Baptists. The Anglican church remained as the church of the elite with most of its support being in Halifax.
Dimocks
Shubael Dimock and his son Daniel were Baptist (you were born a Congregationalist, a Baptist had to be reborn in Christ – baptised – as an adult) and found themselves more readily accepted with the more tolerant Rhode Islanders. Daniel settled on the Newport side and later convinced the father to move there. Their descendant (also named Shubael) became an influential shipbuilder in partnership with his brother-in-law Bennet Smith.
Bibliography
“Halifax, Warden of the North”, Raddall
“History of the Canadian Peoples”, Conrad, Finkel, and Jaenen
“The United States”, Jordan, Litwack, Hofstadter, Miller, Aaron
“A Short History of Western Civilization”, Harrison, Sullivan and Sherman
“A Pocket History of the United States”, Nevens and Commager
“The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia”, J.B. Brebner
“Newport, Nova Scotia a Rhode Island Township”, John Duncanson
“The Rhode Island Emigration to Nova Scotia”,
“The Newport Township”, James Ross
“Falmouth”, John Duncanson
“Prophets, Priests and Prodigals”, McGowan
“His Majesties Yankees”, Raddall
“Henry Alline”, Bell
“Tide and Timber”, Alan Robertson
“They Planted Well”, Conrad
“Making Adjustments”, Conrad
“Planters and Pioneers”, Esther Clark Wright
“The Basin of Minas and it’s Early Settlers”, W.C. Milner
“Planter Notes, Vol.6, no.2, The New England Planters in Nova Scotia”, James Candow
Government in 1759
The Lt. Governor was appointed in London as were his Colonial Advisors who formed an Executive Council with the Elected Assembly. The Assembly had little power. The Lt. Governor answered to the Board of Trade in London and later, to the Secretary of State.
In 1758 Lawrence called the first elected assembly, thus ending the purely military Government. Ten days later, Lawrence issued a proclamation which was published in the Boston Gazette inviting proposals for settlement of the empty Acadian lands. These proposals could either be made to Halifax directly or to shipping agents in Boston and New York (one of the agents was Hancock’s of Boston which had been employed in the expulsion).
New England in 1759
The New Englanders that Lawrence was appealing to were largely descendants of the previously mentioned Puritans who had arrived in the 1620’s. Many had become Congregationalists (they believed in the right of each church to govern itself and its members). In coming to North America they had sought to create communities free from secular control and create a Christian Commonwealth. The ideal was a community centred around the meeting house. The meetings at the meeting house were attended by a patriarch who represented the community’s various families.
Rhode Island
This independence of the individual churches and their communities soon led to diversity and dimension in the New World. In 1631 a minister named Roger Williams arrived in the colony and asserted the colonists had no right to Indian land. He also claimed that civil authorities had no right to interfere with religious matters. Threatened with banishment back to England he and his followers fled to Rhode Island. Soon other dissenters followed and Rhode Island became a religious haven and a somewhat freer society.
Colonial Expansion
By the 1660’s the New England colonies had expanded dramatically (as had the population) and new patterns of life began to emerge changing the old agriculture pattern. Large centres like Boston began to do vigorous trade in timber and fish. Shipbuilding began to thrive to meet the needs of trade. The concentration of wealth, contact with the outside world and the movement away from a pure agriculture society undermined the “Christian commonwealth”.
By the fourth generation (1740’s) land for agriculture was scarce. Families averaged around seven offspring and younger sons were forced into non-farming occupations or to migration.
Western land filled as colonists ran up against the Appalachians. The land beyond was wild, unknown and still claimed by France and Spain. Thus, the offer of land in Nova Scotia was very attractive. Before the better known period of United States western expansion the cry was, “Go north, young man!”
Lawrence Reassured the New Englanders
The legacy of the pilgrims was political as well as religious. The congregation met to discuss all matters of community concern. There was interest in Lawrence’s offer and town hall meetings were called.
The main question for New Englanders was whether the traditions, rights and powers of the township would be protected. They feared that government power would lie solely with the central government in Halifax.
They were given vague assurances by Lawrence in a second proclamation. For some this was enough. In 1759 a grantees organization representing townships from Rhode Island and Connecticut sent agents to look things over.
The First Agents
Five agents were sent.
Major Robert Denison aged 62 who was of Irish descent and had commanded a company of men during the first siege of Louisbourg in 1745.
Joseph Otis, his son-in-law Jonathan Harris and Amos Fuller.
These 4 represented Connecticut towns.
The fifth was John Hicks, a Quaker who represented a Rhode Island township.
All five went by ship from Halifax in the company of the province’s Surveyor General, Charles Morris to inspect the various areas.
Fuller and Hicks were the youngest and struck up a friendship. Both were impressed by the cleared land, forests and apple trees they’d found in the area of the Avon River.
The five returned home after making preliminary arrangements.
More agents followed and things were proceeding nicely. However, before any Planters could arrive trouble broke out with various attacks by Mi’kmaq and Acadians around the province. Then in November a huge storm severely damaged the neglected dykes. It was decided to postpone the arrival of the planters until things settled down and repairs could be made.
The Arrival
In the spring of 1760 the first Planters began to arrive and in May, Morris sailed up the Bay to check on the new arrivals.
In Annapolis he found 45 people settling in who had come on the “Charming Molly”.
At Windsor he arrived just before six ships arrived carrying 300 planters.
However, four ships had already arrived before the six that Morris greeted. Two of those ships were the Lydia and the Sally. Both were sloops (vessels with a single mast). It is believed that these two ships landed their passengers on or near the sight of the museum.
The family names of those on board were Reynolds, Bentley, Sanford, Harvie, Smith, Chambers, Weedon, Borden, Lake, Tucker and Mosher. Most can be found in the area today. The other two vessels landed their people on the Falmouth side further upriver and across from Fort Edward.
On the Newport side a palisade was built shortly thereafter on a hill in view of Fort Edward.
The original plan was to call the township on either side of the river East Falmouth and West Falmouth.
The Township of Newport
Shortly after their arrival (May 1760) the grantees on the east side applied to have their side of the river made into a separate township. Morris suggested they name it Newport in honour of Lord Newport who was a friend of acting Lt. Governor Belcher and probably to honour their expatriate homeland. Lawrence himself had been ‘deported’ by God in October of 1760 just before the arrival of the first Planters.
The reasons for their wanting a separate township is a matter of speculation.
On June 9th, around 10 days after they arrived they had their first township meeting.
The extent of the entire grant lay roughly between the St. Croix and Cogmagun Rivers and about 10 miles inland. This area was further divided by surveyors into individual grants consisting of river front, marsh, dyked lands and woodland. In essence this meant rectangular lots from the water back. How these were assigned to individuals was up to the group. Their request to be declared a separate township was granted providing an additional 20 grantees be added to the original 48 (a minimum of 50 was needed to become a township with the right to send representatives to the assembly.
Abutting the Newport area was one of the older military grants mentioned earlier It belonged to an interesting character named Colonel John Day who obviously must have been a ‘Virgil’ (Roman poet) fan since he named his farm Mantua after Virgil’s birthplace. Colonel Day later became quite involved with the Newport people (he built a grist mill for the community after a couple of other grantees failed to live up to their commitment to do so).
In July 1760, 20 additional names were added to the original grant thus fulfilling the requirement for township status. The list of names issued for the Newport grant in July now included William Haliburton, Daniel Dimock, Samuel and William Albro and Daniel Weir (Albro and Weir have a special significance to the Maritime Museum of the Atlantic.)
Getting on with Business
One of the first things to be decided was the location of the Town Plot in which everyone got a half acre (see the Haliburton survey map of 1775 included at the end of “Newport, Nova Scotia a Rhode Island Township”, by John Duncanson.
Surrounding the Town Plot were six acre lots.
Lots were drawn to decide who got what land. The meetings that followed concerned things like what was to be done with the Acadian houses still in the area. In particular there is a reference to two Acadian homes, one that was on a town lot and one in the town plot. Whether this meant that houses hadn’t been burned or whether they were referring to foundations is unclear.
Another problem was the situation of the residents on the Falmouth side. They had no timber due to a forest fire which had occurred in 1710. Obviously the Newport folks were worried about their own timber and passed a resolution that they could only sell to Falmouth for building purposes.
As soon as the town plot was established a palisade was built.
An important and un-answered question is; what happened next to the town plot and to the lots around the town plot?
The Erosion of New England Freedoms
It wasn’t until September of 1761 that the survey of the larger farm lots was completed. However before they could be drawn for, the survey results had to be sent to Halifax for Government approval. This may have been the first indication the Planters had that the degree of freedom in Nova Scotia would be less than back home. In February with government approval having been given they proceeded with the draw.
In June of 1762 people began to grumble about their lots and the wheeling and dealing began. Over the next 10 years there was much ‘discussion’ about the undivided portions of the grant and George Haliburton was appointed to survey the entire area. He was the son of the grantee Andrew Haliburton. George finished his survey in 1775 (see map). The undivided lands were finally divided in 1794.
Planter Lifestyle to the American Revolution
In the chapter of his book, “The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia”, titled ‘A New England’, J.B. Brebner does a wonderful job of describing the Planter lifestyle in Nova Scotia. We will be quoting extensively from that source. Brebner draws heavily on a document produced in 1774 called “A journey through Nova Scotia” by two Yorkshiremen named J. Robinson and T. Rispin.
Brebner states the obvious when talking about the variety of comforts the Planters enjoyed varying with individual circumstances.
“…as determined by the amount of capital which an immigrant brought with him and by the productiveness of the region where his lot was cast” (p. 150).
Often we have a singular picture when dealing with groups like Planters or Acadians and it’s a good idea to remind ourselves they were far from homogeneous. However this being said there are some generalizations that can be made.
Brebner quotes at length a description of a typical farm on the Bay of Fundy visited by Robinson and Rispin (the italics are Mr. Brebners).
“Their homes are generally built square, and chiefly of wood, with chimneys of brick in the centre, so contrived as to convey the smoke from all the different fire places. Their windows are all sash’d, and they pay no duty for them, they are very numerous and render the home light and pleasant. They all build with post and pan; when they got about three yards high they take it in a little; about two yards higher they fix their chamber windows, and above them their roofs; some built a story higher. After being boarded, they appear very neat and complete houses. They board the outside up to the roof with what they call clapboard… They wainscot the inside and make it very neat… Their roofs are covered with planks, on these they fix what they call shingles… All their houses have cellars under them, and are in general very convenient.
They went on to describe the outbuildings.
Their barns are built of wood, some of them with clapboard and shingles in the manner of their houses. They contain different apartments for their horses, cows and sheep; and have a floor above for hay and corn, which is for the most part deposited in their barns, as they do not seem fond of stacking. The entrance of their barns is so large as to admit a loaded wagon.” (p. 152)
After a lengthy description of Halifax Brebner goes on to describe the material goods of the Planters.
“They slept on pallets on the floor or on low platforms or in corded bunks. They had more benches and stools than chairs. True necessities like spinning-wheels, looms, dairy and table utensils, and some tools and lanterns were carefully made from wood or horn, often with keen craftsmanship. Manufactured articles of earthenware, pewter and metal were very few and jealously kept in repair. The kitchen fireplace was the centre of the home, both at meal times and in the evenings, when it gave the only light that most houses afforded except the tallow candles brought out for more social celebrations or distinguished company. …The women ran small domestic factories. They prepared and preserved food. They made butter, cheese, starch, yeast, cider, spruce beer, apple butter, soap, and candles.” (p. 156)
This picture is confirmed and fleshed out locally by an article in “Making Adjustments”, called “Material Lives of the Planters” on page 187, (See Appendix A) where the contents of the probate inventories of various local men show a scarcity of manufactured material goods.
During the first year the government provided the families with a supply of corn to assist them while they established their crops, however even with crops established, reliance on this source of food alone was impossible.
“But as time went on Nova Scotians became more and more adept at winning a sufficiency, if not always an abundance. After the men had cut their necessarily enormous supplies of firewood during the winter and stacked it to dry, they turned to really serious hunting… They went off for several days at a time on their snowshoes, carrying blankets and little food… Fat Shad ran in the early summer in such quantities that they were barreled for export. Even on Minas Basin, cod, haddock, and other large sea fish, as well as shellfish, crabs, and lobsters, were available, while fishermen from the Cape Sable and South Shores were always anxious to barter their large supplies of cured fish for the farm products of the Fundy side.” (p. 158)
The importance of religion has been already alluded to and can be farther seen in the brief biography of Henry Alline (see below). Education was important to them as well; however they weren’t all work and no play. There were dances (called Frolics) and they had nothing against rum or inns.
“The tavern might be a roadhouse for travellers, particularly at bridges or ferries but it was most often part of the local store. Where a dip from the rum barrel under the counter concluded any substantial transaction and where a man could warm his inside and whet his wit when he grew bored at home or needed some relief from his misfortunes. To it came stray copies of Nova Scotian, Colonial, and European newspapers and magazines. The tavern was thus the news office for the outside world, whereas at the church or meeting-house men and women pooled the news of the locality.” (p. 172)
So life went on until the American Revolution disrupted the patterns that the Planters had just begun to establish their new homes.
The American Revolution
By 1775 tension in the New England colonies had erupted into revolution. The New England Planters found themselves in a similar position to the Acadians. They had ties to the rebel colonies and did not wish to take up arms against their brethren, nor did they wish to risk the appearance of disloyalty to the British. Like the Acadians they attempted to maintain a stance of neutrality.
Like their brethren they too faced an erosion of freedom. In 1763 a bill to “empower Towns to choose town officers, maintain their poor, and mend their streets and highways” was defeated.
In essence this finished any possibility of maintaining the independence model that Lawrence had promised in the second proclamation. Anthony Henry who published the ‘Nova Scotia Chronicle and Weekly Advertiser’ in Halifax republished Lawrence’s proclamation of 1758 in the February 7th 1768 edition, as an attempt to remind the people of Nova Scotia of this. In fact, on April 14 1770 the Nova Scotia Council declared that “Town meetings for debating and resolving on several questions relating to the laws and government of the province…” were “Contrary to law”.
One of the most vocal advocates of the Planter’s position was Assemblyman John Day, who you will recall was mentioned above because of his grant abutting the Newport area and because of his early dealings with the Planters.
In the months preceding the war the Planters were regarded with mounting suspicion and in 1775 “an act for the choice of town officers and regulating townships”, was passed which removed the township’s power to elect its own officials.
On December 5th 1775 martial law was declared and a provincial militia was called up. It was to be commanded by ‘Denny’ Denson. Few answered the call. This was looked on as treasonous by Halifax and the loyalty of the Planters was further questioned.
The only land action during the revolution in Nova Scotia occurred when Jonathan Eddy and a small group captured Fort Cumberland in October of 1776 and held it for 20 days.
The majority of Nova Scotia’s wartime activity occurs through privateering and raids on both sides with the South Shore seeing the most involvement, although, the Bay of Fundy and even the Minas Basin outfitted privateers and saw its share of raids as well.
One interesting incident occurred when a privateer named Carleton was captured at Canso. He and his men escaped and made their way to Windsor where they stole a schooner and escaped back to New England.
The course of the war and its effects on Nova Scotia is a long and complicated story which deserves more attention than we have the opportunity to give in this document, however one easy way to learn more is by reading Thomas Raddall’s “His Majesty’s Yankees”.
Although the war didn’t officially end until 1783 it was for all intents and purposes over by 1782 and this is when the loyalist influx changed the makeup of Nova Scotia.
Biographical Notes on Some of the Early Planters
Haliburtons
George Haliburton left during the Revolution but his brother William stayed. William’s son (also named William was the father of the author and jurist, Thomas-Chandler Haliburton.
John Hicks
John Hicks the Quaker surveyor settled on Falmouth side, but moved to Granville in 1765.
Major Robert Denson
Across from the museum is Mount Denson named after ‘Squire Denny Denson’ who you’ll recall was one of the original agents. He managed to acquire 4350 acres between Falmouth and the Halfway River. He made himself an Irish baronial estate complete with slaves, cattle and orchards. He was much resented by his neighbors. He died in 1780 and bequeathed his estate to his housekeeper Martha Whitfield – over the objections of his wife and daughter back in Dublin. Later she sold part of the estate to Edward Barker. The house he built is on the site of present day Churchill house. Ezra Churchill who moved as a young man to Hantsport from Yarmouth was perhaps the most successful shipbuilder along the Avon River. In Hantsport his shipyard was second only to J.B. North’s.
Henry Aldine
On the Falmouth side in 1760 a 12 year old boy named Henry landed with his Planter parents William and Rebecca Alline. He was strongly religious and at the age of 27 in 1775 he had an epiphany, a personal revelation that moved him to preach. First he attempted to sail to New England where he hoped to further his education but was unable to do so because of the American Revolution. For the next three years he preached as layman all around the Avon River. He began in Falmouth and word spread so that people from neighboring communities were coming to hear him. In July of 1776 he went to Newport and soon established a church in both communities. 1779 he was ordained and for the next four years travelled about forming ‘Allanite’ churches. What he espoused is a little difficult to pin down. It had to do with personal revelation and more resembled Baptist theology than Congregationalist. The result was a splitting of many churches, townships and even families. When Henry died in 1783 there was no one to take up the mantle and Congregationalism was much reduced in the Province. Many of the churches turned to Methodism which had been introduced by the Yorkshire immigrants and many others became Baptists. The Anglican church remained as the church of the elite with most of its support being in Halifax.
Dimocks
Shubael Dimock and his son Daniel were Baptist (you were born a Congregationalist, a Baptist had to be reborn in Christ – baptised – as an adult) and found themselves more readily accepted with the more tolerant Rhode Islanders. Daniel settled on the Newport side and later convinced the father to move there. Their descendant (also named Shubael) became an influential shipbuilder in partnership with his brother-in-law Bennet Smith.
Bibliography
“Halifax, Warden of the North”, Raddall
“History of the Canadian Peoples”, Conrad, Finkel, and Jaenen
“The United States”, Jordan, Litwack, Hofstadter, Miller, Aaron
“A Short History of Western Civilization”, Harrison, Sullivan and Sherman
“A Pocket History of the United States”, Nevens and Commager
“The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia”, J.B. Brebner
“Newport, Nova Scotia a Rhode Island Township”, John Duncanson
“The Rhode Island Emigration to Nova Scotia”,
“The Newport Township”, James Ross
“Falmouth”, John Duncanson
“Prophets, Priests and Prodigals”, McGowan
“His Majesties Yankees”, Raddall
“Henry Alline”, Bell
“Tide and Timber”, Alan Robertson
“They Planted Well”, Conrad
“Making Adjustments”, Conrad
“Planters and Pioneers”, Esther Clark Wright
“The Basin of Minas and it’s Early Settlers”, W.C. Milner
“Planter Notes, Vol.6, no.2, The New England Planters in Nova Scotia”, James Candow